Tanya Jakimow

Women’s under-representation in local politics is a global problem, and no less the case in Australia. In my home state of New South Wales (NSW), women make up 39% of councillors in rural and regional councils, with more than a quarter of local government areas (LGAs) having fewer than 30% women. To achieve ‘gender parity’, the government funds programs to encourage and train women to contest elections and become a councillor. While having a demonstrable positive impact, the focus on ‘fixing women’ arguably detracts from the more pressing need to ‘fix the environment’.

On either side of the 2024 NSW local government elections, I conducted research to see what we could learn from rural and regional LGAs that either experienced a sharp increase in the number of women contesting and winning local elections in 2021 (from less than 25% to at least 50%), or that have had persistent men-dominated councils (more than 75% men) over at least 4 terms. The ten in-depth case studies entailing interviews with councillors, former councillors, candidates, community leaders and participant observation, yielded several lessons about what makes an environment more, or less, conducive to women’s local representation.

First, more women contested and won elections in LGAs where a ‘collective sentiment for change’ was cultivated. The 2021 election was a watershed; the Covid-19 pandemic and revelations of sexual violence in parliament sparked national conversations about the kinds of political leaders needed. In some LGAs, this national conversation became localised.

Residents looked at the record of men-dominated councils and initiated discussion about what the next council should look like. Councillors wrote newspaper editorials, organised events for women candidates, and tapped women on the shoulder to consider standing. All contributed to a shared sentiment that it was time for a more gender balanced council and a collective motivation by women to be part of that change.

Second, name-recognition was a key determinant of voter preferences in councils with persistent men-dominated councils; women performed well as candidates when they had opportunities to promote themselves as candidates. In councils where candidates communicated directly with voters through newspaper editorials, in door-to-door campaigning and especially candidate forums, women often impressed, and were elected in higher numbers

In contrast, a low-key electoral culture with limited campaigning can advantage men. Men are more likely to bear the name of established families in the area, to hold leadership positions in prominent organisations, and to be official heads of farms and large businesses. They also enjoy the premium of a masculine name in a low information context. In a system of compulsory voting, disinterested voters often vote “just because they know the bloke” (community member).

Third, a discourse that council should stick to the masculine-coded activities of ‘roads, rates and rubbish’, makes men the ‘natural leaders’. Australia has not been hit by austerity to the same extent as the United Kingdom, yet its local governments are cash strapped due to a poor revenue base and cost-shifting from state and federal governments. Hence the potency of a political message to ratepayers that we need to get ‘back to basics’, presenting feminine-coded services of childcare, libraries, community centres as a threat to fiscal responsibility, and hence women’s contributions to civic life as incommensurate with local government.

In contrast, in LGAs where councils have a strong relationship with community groups and sectors such as the arts and care, women see a natural progression from community leadership into council. Community events provide opportunities for women leaders to build relationships with councillors, which leads to informal mentorship and succession planning. Women majority or gender-equal councils thereby can persist over time.

These are just three of the ways that local conditions matter for the number of women contesting and winning elections. The research suggests alternative approaches to increasing women’s representation in local government beyond training women: initiating public debate about the qualities needed of councillors, enriching the information context, and ensuring strong relationship between councils and community groups.

The environment of course must be conducive for a diversity of women, including racialized minorities, First Nations, women with disability, and across age and income. The point is that the environment matters, not that there is a single set of conditions.  Many of the first-time women candidates I spoke to had benefited from the training programs rolled out in the lead up to the election. While none said it was pivotal to their decision to contest, they felt more confident, and in some cases, the advice strengthened their campaigns. The question is not whether such programs are useful, but rather are they enough, and the best use of limited resources. Fixing the environment in which women become councillors, rather than treating the women as the ones who need to change, is an alternative approach worth considering.

Tanya Jakimow is a professor of anthropology in the College of Asia and the Pacific at the Australian National University. Tanya’s current research concerns the enduring problem of political over-/under-representation in local government in India, Indonesia, and more recently, Australia. https://researchportalplus.anu.edu.au/en/persons/tanya-jakimow/