Evidence-based policy

Why Evaluation Matters More Than Ever: Lessons from Recent Local Government Evidence

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Jason Lowther

For many researchers and analysts working in local government, evaluation can sometimes feel like yet another additional reporting requirement attached to programme delivery. Yet a series of recent evaluations (including homelessness, local growth and skills, and community ownership) demonstrates why evaluation is increasingly central to effective public policy. These studies also highlight several methodological lessons that should influence how local authorities design, commission and use evaluation in the future.

The first lesson is that evaluation is no longer primarily about proving impact. Increasingly, it is about understanding systems. Recent evaluations of homelessness and rough sleeping have moved beyond individual interventions to examine how housing, welfare, health, justice and local government interact. Rather than asking simply whether a programme worked, they explored why outcomes emerge within a complex environment. The findings suggest that fragmented funding, conflicting incentives and a persistent focus on crisis response often undermine preventative approaches, regardless of the quality of local services.

This reflects a broader shift towards complexity-aware evaluation. As councils have known for years, many local challenges, including homelessness, economic development and community regeneration, are influenced by multiple organisations and external factors. Traditional experimental approaches are often difficult to apply in such settings. Consequently, recent evaluations have increasingly used systems mapping, qualitative fieldwork, contribution analysis and mixed-method designs to understand causal pathways rather than attempting to isolate a single intervention effect. The emphasis is increasingly on understanding contribution rather than claiming attribution.  We may need to re-consider having systematic reviews of RCTs atop our methodological pyramids?

A second lesson concerns the value of process evaluation. Across multiple policy areas, some of the most useful findings relate not to outcomes but to implementation. Evaluations of local growth funds, skills programmes and place-based regeneration initiatives consistently show that local flexibility enables adaptation to local circumstances. Conversely, they also reveal how compressed delivery timescales can constrain innovation, limit stakeholder engagement and encourage delivery of readily implementable projects rather than longer-term transformation.

Third, the evaluations expose the continuing challenge of measuring long-term outcomes. In local growth programmes, evaluators highlight the difficulty of attributing changes in productivity, employment or economic resilience to specific interventions when impacts emerge over many years and are shaped by wider economic conditions. Similarly, evaluations of community ownership initiatives have already generated evidence of strengthened community participation, local pride and volunteering, but economic sustainability and growth impacts remain less certain because many projects remain at an early stage of development.

This raises an important methodological point. Public sector evaluation often demands evidence before outcomes have had sufficient time to emerge. Analysts should therefore distinguish carefully between outputs, intermediate outcomes and longer-term impacts. Developing robust theories of change and identifying realistic milestones along a causal pathway may provide more meaningful evidence than premature attempts to demonstrate definitive impact. In many cases, demonstrating credible progress towards expected outcomes may be a more realistic and useful objective than proving final impacts.

A fourth lesson concerns the importance of context. Recent place-based evaluations show that outcomes depend heavily on local conditions, governance maturity, partnership networks and existing organisational capacity. Similarly, community ownership projects appear most successful where community organisations already possess strong leadership, governance and project management capabilities. These findings reinforce a recurring conclusion from evaluation research: “what works” is often contingent rather than universal.

For managers commissioning evaluations, this means moving beyond simple questions of effectiveness. The more useful questions are often: what works, for whom, in which circumstances, and through what mechanisms? Evaluations that address these questions may generate practical learning that is far more valuable than a single overall success measure.

Perhaps most importantly, these evaluations demonstrate that good evaluation supports organisational learning rather than accountability alone. While demonstrating value for money remains important, evaluation also provides a mechanism for understanding complexity, adapting delivery, strengthening partnerships and improving future decision-making. In an era of fiscal constraint, rising demand and increasing policy complexity, this learning function may be its greatest contribution.

Taken together, these recent evaluations point towards a more mature understanding of evidence in local public services. They show that evaluation is at its most valuable when it helps organisations understand systems, implementation, context and causation. For local government researchers and analysts, the challenge is not simply to generate more evidence, but to generate evidence that helps decision-makers navigate complexity. In an environment where public services face growing pressures and finite resources, that capability is becoming an essential component of effective public policy and organisational improvement.

Discussion of the available evaluations mentioned are available here.

This article was first published in the September 2026 edition of the LARIA (Local Area Research and Intelligence Association) newsletter.


Jason is Director of the Institute of Local Government Studies at the University of Birmingham. Email [email protected]

Creative Bureaucracy Festival 2026: why the future of public services is about systems, not services

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Claire Dhami

I was fortunate enough to attend the Creative Bureaucracy Festival in Berlin this June, bringing together public servants, leaders and practitioners from across the world who are grappling with the same fundamental challenge: how do we make public services work better for people in increasingly complex and uncertain times.

The festival itself has an interesting origin. It was founded by Charles Landry and others as a provocation. The term ‘creative bureaucracy’ deliberately challenges the stereotype of bureaucracy as rigid, slow and rule bound. Instead, it puts forward a different idea that public institutions, at their best, can be imaginative, humane and capable of solving complex problems.

What began as a provocation has now become a global movement. The festival has grown into a space where thousands of public servants come together each year to share what is actually working in practice, often in spite of system constraints, and to learn from each other.

What struck me most, both from the festival and from our work in the West Midlands, is that the issues we face are remarkably consistent across countries. There is a growing recognition that many of the challenges in public services are not about marginal service gaps. They are about how the system itself is designed.

We have built systems that are logically organised around institutions, but in practice expect people to navigate multiple disconnected pathways. Responsibility is too often passed between organisations, rather than shared. The result is fragmented, transactional experiences, particularly for those with the most complex needs.

This is not a capability problem. It is a design problem.

One of the most powerful shifts discussed at the festival is moving from improving individual services to improving life outcomes. That may sound like a subtle change, but it fundamentally alters how we think about reform.

Instead of asking how to optimise what already exists, we start by asking what people actually need to thrive and then work backwards to shape the system around that. In our own work, this means focusing less on creating new interventions and more on redesigning the pathways between education, health, employment and community support, particularly at the points where people are most at risk of falling through the gaps.

This is where relational public services become essential. When support is organised around trusted relationships and continuity, rather than organisational boundaries and eligibility criteria, the experience for residents changes completely. It becomes earlier, more consistent and more human.

But perhaps the most important insight for me was how we think about innovation.

There is a tendency in the public sector to equate innovation with new programmes or pilots. The festival challenged that directly. A more effective model is to see innovation as a small but deliberate part of the system, around 10 percent of activity, designed to influence the other 90 percent.

The pilots themselves are not the outcome. They may succeed or fail. The real value lies in the learning they generate and whether that learning changes how the system behaves. That means influencing mainstream commissioning, policy decisions and how resources are actually deployed.

This requires discipline. Without a clear link between experimentation and system change, innovation remains interesting but peripheral. With it, innovation becomes a lever for reform.

It also clarifies the role of organisations like the Combined Authority. Our role is not to direct delivery or create new services. It is to influence how the system behaves. That means convening partners, aligning incentives, building shared ownership of outcomes and creating the conditions for change.

At the same time, the festival highlighted a fundamental contradiction that we see locally. We talk about partnership, prevention and place-based working, but continue to fund services in ways that reinforce fragmentation. If we are serious about system outcomes, we have to fund them differently, aligning resources around shared cohorts and goals rather than organisational silos.

The message I took away from Berlin is that the future of public services will not be defined by new initiatives. It will be defined by our ability to redesign systems so that good people are able to do the right thing, consistently.

When we get that right, innovation is no longer something separate. It becomes part of how the system learns, adapts and improves over time. And that is where meaningful, lasting change happens.

Claire Dhami is Head of systems change and inclusion at West Midlands Combined Authority.

What works in violence reduction? Learning from the London Vanguards evaluation

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Dr. Jason Lowther

This is the last (for now) of our series of blogs on recent evaluations of local public services – if you have published an evaluation you think may be of interest to Inlogov readers, please send me a link to it ([email protected]).

Much of the evaluation literature on violence reduction has focused on system-wide approaches such as Violence Reduction Units. The London Vanguards independent evaluation offers a close look at one defined service model designed to support children and young people affected by violence through integrated, community-based provision.

The London Vanguards programme, delivered across 12 boroughs between 2022 and 2025, brought together health, community and psychological support into a single, coordinated offer for young people at risk of, or affected by, violence. The independent evaluation, led by the Anna Freud Centre, used a mixed-methods realist design, combining service data with interviews and focus groups involving young people, families and practitioners. The aim was not only to assess outcomes, but to understand how and why the model worked in practice.

A holistic, multi-systems approach

At the core of the Vanguards model is a holistic understanding of violence risk. Rather than focusing narrowly on offending behaviour, the programme recognises that many young people experience multiple, overlapping adversities – including mental health needs, family instability, educational exclusion and unmet developmental needs.

The evaluation shows that this approach enabled services to identify needs that had often gone unrecognised elsewhere, particularly around neurodevelopmental conditions, speech and language difficulties and mental health. These underlying issues frequently shape both vulnerability to violence and the ability to engage with support.

The model therefore combined psychological support, practical help and wider system navigation, rather than relying on a single intervention. In doing so, it reflects a shift from treating violence as an isolated problem to addressing it as part of a wider set of life circumstances.

Outcomes: improvements across multiple domains

The evaluation presents a broadly positive picture of outcomes, although with important caveats around data completeness.

Around 1,500 children and young people were supported over the life of the programme. Among those with available data, there were reported improvements across several domains:

  • mental health improved for around 47 per cent of participants
  • education and accommodation outcomes improved for around one third
  • reductions in offending and high-risk behaviours were reported for a significant minority

Qualitative evidence reinforces these findings. Young people, parents and practitioners consistently described increases in confidence, wellbeing and sense of agency, as well as improvements in family relationships and engagement with education or employment.

Importantly, the evaluation suggests that these changes were not always short-lived. Many participants maintained positive outcomes over time, which was attributed to the longer-term, relationship-based nature of the support.

What drives change: relationships, persistence and coordination

Among the most valuable insights from the evaluation are those examining how change was achieved.

First, trusted relationships between practitioners and young people emerge as a central mechanism. The model’s flexible and persistent approach allowed practitioners to engage individuals who might otherwise disengage from services. This sustained engagement appears to be critical in supporting progress.  The importance of this relational approach to public services is increasingly recognised.

Second, multi-agency coordination proved essential. Although establishing partnerships was initially challenging, over time services became more aligned, enabling more coherent and responsive support. This coordination allowed practitioners to address needs across different domains without requiring young people to navigate multiple disconnected systems.

Third, the programme’s holistic design enabled it to respond to changing needs. Rather than fixed pathways, support could adapt as circumstances evolved, which is particularly important given the instability many participants experienced.

The data challenge: promising evidence, incomplete picture

As with many complex service evaluations, the report highlights limitations in the evidence base. Missing data rates are high across several outcome measures, and there is no control group for comparison. This makes it difficult to draw definitive conclusions about impact.

What does this mean for local authorities?

The London Vanguards evaluation suggests several lessons for local government and partners.

First, violence reduction is inseparable from wider needs. Effective responses must address mental health, development, family context and structural disadvantage alongside risk behaviours. Single-issue interventions are unlikely to be sufficient.

Second, relationship-based practice is central. The strongest evidence of change comes from sustained, trust-based engagement between practitioners and young people. This has implications for workforce stability, caseloads and commissioning approaches.

Third, integration works, but takes time. The evaluation shows that multi-agency coordination improved over time, but required sustained effort to establish.

Fourth, flexibility is a strength. The ability to adapt support to individual needs was a key feature of the model. Highly standardised approaches may struggle to achieve similar outcomes with complex populations.

Finally, the evaluation highlights the importance of taking a long-term view. Improvements were gradual, interconnected and not always immediately visible. This may challenge some performance frameworks but better reflects the reality of supporting young people affected by violence.

Taken together, the evidence from the London Vanguards suggests that what works in this area is not a single intervention, but a way of working: holistic, relationship-based and coordinated across services. The challenge for government and local authorities is creating the conditions to sustain this approach over time.

From top-down diagnosis to co-design: what youth‑led evidence adds to the Government’s review of Young people and Work

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Sonia Bussu

The government’s Young People and Work interim report presents a stark diagnosis. Nearly one million young people in the UK are not in education, employment or training (NEET), and the problem is structural, longstanding and getting worse. The report describes a system failure spanning education, labour markets, health and welfare, and it concludes that the UK lacks a coherent “participation system” to support transitions into work. It is a powerful diagnosis of a system that no longer supports young people. But it is also striking that much of what the report “discovers” has already been articulated vividly by young people themselves, many times over!

The INSPIRE programme in the West Midlands offers exactly this missing perspective: lived experience. Through participatory research and legislative theatre, a diverse group of young people aged 14–17 from across the region identified specific barriers, staged a play to reflect on these barriers with the community and policymakers, and co‑designed policy proposals to address them. Set alongside the government’s diagnosis, this youth‑led evidence helps move from description of problems to concrete and youth-led solutions.

Structural barriers are visible in lived experience

The government review highlights three major structural issues: reduced entry‑level jobs, fragmented systems and unequal access to support. The INSPIRE young co-creators showed us how they encounter these issues day to day. Their play, You’re Fried! The realities of youth employment, depicts a system where career guidance is rushed and superficial, where broken weblinks and empty words replace meaningful support, where opportunities are inaccessible, in a cycle of “entry‑level” roles that always require prior experience.

You’re Fried! The Realities of Youth Employment
Scene One: “What Should I Do With My Life?” revealed how love, when bound by fear, could become a cage. A young apprentice’s dream was crushed beneath the weight of parental expectations, where university was seen as the only safe route to independence.
Scene Two: “It’s All on You” exposed the hollow machinery of career guidance – rushed advisors offering broken links and empty words, leaving hope behind in the rush to tick boxes.
Scene Three: “Link Not Found” brought a computer to life, its customer-service smile masking the cold indifference of digital systems that fail those who need them most.
Scene Four: “This Isn’t What I Signed Up For” pulled back the curtain on the myth of ‘real-world experience’ – a McDonald’s shift where understaffing and blame replaced training and support.
Scene Five: “It’s Your Fault” returned to the family living room, where systemic failure was rewritten as personal shame, completing a devastating circle.

The government review links NEET risk to socioeconomic background, race, disability and geography. The INSPIRE young people described the same dynamics of discrimination and constrained expectations. Systemic failures are often reframed as individual shortcomings, reflecting a system that assesses young people but does not adequately support them, placing the burden of navigating complexity on individuals.

While employers face uncertainty and capacity constraints, young people also reported the limited support on accessing valuable work placements or apprenticeships, as they suffer from limited training, little supervision and weak protections. In these situations, responsibility again falls on the young person to adapt. The issue is not a lack of motivation from young people, but a lack of fit between systems and the realities young people face. Young people want to work but are navigating fragmented and often inaccessible pathways.

Youth‑led proposals provide concrete solutions

One of the most innovative aspects of the INSPIRE project is its methodology. Legislative theatre allowed young people not just to describe problems, but to stage them, rehearse alternatives, and co-create policy responses. We co‑designed  proposals to improve access to work experience and employment through creative and structured dialogues between young people, policymakers, employers and communities.

Several of these proposals directly address the issues identified in the government review.

1. Earlier and family‑centred career support
The review highlights the importance of early intervention, noting that disadvantage accumulates over time. The INSPIRE young people proposed starting career conversations at primary school level and involving families, recognising that aspirations and knowledge about career pathways are shaped early and collectively.

2. Accessible and community‑based careers guidance
To address fragmentation and inequality in provision, participants proposed delivering career support also through community organisations and the voluntary sector.

3. Reform of work experience and employer engagement
In response to declining entry points into the labour market, young people proposed structured work experience, mentoring and exposure to workplaces through site visits and flexible placement formats. They also highlighted the need to prepare employers to support young people effectively. Working with local schools, we are now co-creating standards for youth‑friendly employers.

4. Cross‑sector coordination
The government review identifies fragmentation across institutions as a core problem.
INSPIRE proposals include the creation of a cross‑sector alliance on youth employment in Birmingham bringing together young people, education, employers, public bodies and community organisations to coordinate action.

5. Youth‑led evaluation and accountability
Young people know best what they need. They proposed mechanisms for evaluating careers services and employer practices, embedding youth perspectives into ongoing policy development. A youth-led evaluation of career and employment support is now being implemented, co-led by Birmingham City Council and the University of Birmingham.

Rethinking policy: from programmes to relationships

A recurring criticism in participation is the lack of follow-through from policymakers. Young participants expressed frustration with commitments that are vague or delayed, or carelessly forgotten, which deeply undermines their trust in institutions.

INSPIRE suggests that the answer is not simply better engagement programmes, but different relationships between institutions and young people, where trust depends on feedback loops, transparent commitments, and long-term engagement rather than one-off consultations. It’s not simply about redesigning systems but redistributing power.

Young people do not need to be fixed or made “work-ready”. They need systems that recognise their knowledge, respond to their realities, and involve them as partners in shaping policy that affects them.

Sonia researches and teaches public policy. Her main research interests are participatory governance and democratic innovations, and creative and arts-based methods for research and public engagement.

What works in community ownership and local assets?

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Dr Jason Lowther

Alongside major programmes on local growth and regeneration, there has been increasing policy interest in the role of community-owned assets in strengthening local places. The Community Ownership Fund (COF) was a £150 million programme designed to support communities to take control of valued local buildings and spaces at risk of loss, from pubs and community centres to sports facilities.

The interim evaluation provides an early but valuable insight into how this model works in practice. It focuses on both delivery processes and emerging outcomes, based on a mixed-methods approach combining quantitative survey analysis, qualitative case studies and value-for-money assessment across a sample of projects. Rather than offering definitive conclusions, it highlights the conditions under which community ownership can succeed, and where it struggles.

A distinct model: enabling communities to “save” assets

The COF was designed to address a specific gap in the system: the loss of locally valued social infrastructure. By providing capital funding to support acquisition and refurbishment, the programme enabled community groups to intervene where assets would otherwise have closed or been sold.

The evaluation finds that, in this respect, the fund has been effective in enabling communities to secure assets that were at genuine risk. In many case study areas, projects would not have gone ahead without this funding, particularly given wider economic pressures. The scale of capital support is identified as a key feature, allowing communities to take on projects that would otherwise be financially out of reach.

Early outcomes: social value more visible than economic impact

At this interim stage, the evaluation points to positive early social outcomes, although evidence on longer-term impact is still developing.

Qualitative findings from case studies suggest that community-owned assets are already delivering benefits in terms of:

  • strengthened local identity and pride
  • increased community participation and volunteering
  • improved access to services and social spaces

These outcomes reflect the broader theory of change behind the fund: that ownership can generate not just service provision, but engagement, empowerment and social capital.

However, the evaluation is more cautious on economic outcomes such as financial sustainability and local economic growth. These are necessarily longer-term and more uncertain, particularly given the time required to refurbish and reopen assets.

What enables success in practice?

The process evaluation provides important insight into what makes community ownership projects work.

First, existing capacity within community organisations matters. The fund was most accessible to groups that already had the skills, governance structures and experience required to develop complex capital projects. Where this capacity was lacking, projects found it more difficult to apply for and deliver funding.

Second, support and advisory provision are critical. Changes made to the programme over time, including increased support for disadvantaged areas and adjustments to match funding requirements, improved accessibility. This suggests that financial investment alone is not sufficient; communities also need technical and developmental support.

Third, relationships with funders and partners shape delivery experience. Many projects reported the need for clearer communication, more consistent engagement and greater flexibility from central government during the delivery phase. This reflects a wider lesson across local programmes: delivery quality depends as much on how funding is administered as on the funding itself.

The challenge of accessibility and equity

A recurring theme in the evaluation is the tension between opportunity and inequality.

While the COF provides a mechanism for community empowerment, it does not operate on a level playing field. Communities with stronger organisational capacity, access to professional skills and existing funding networks are better placed to take advantage of the opportunity. Less advantaged areas may face greater barriers, even where need is higher.

Programme adjustments, such as reducing match funding requirements and targeting support, have helped to address this. But the evaluation suggests that structural inequalities remain a significant factor in shaping who benefits from community ownership.

Sustainability and risk

The evaluation also highlights the question of long-term sustainability. Taking ownership of an asset creates ongoing responsibilities, including maintenance, staffing and financial management.  While many projects have strong business plans, the wider economic environment poses risks, particularly for organisations reliant on trading income or voluntary effort.

What does this mean for local authorities?

The COF evaluation suggests several implications for local government.

First, community ownership can deliver real social value, particularly in maintaining assets that would otherwise be lost. For councils facing financial pressure, this provides an important mechanism for sustaining local infrastructure.

Second, capacity and capability are the critical enablers. Local authorities have an important role in supporting community organisations through advice, development support and partnership working, rather than simply acting as funders or commissioners.  Central government should invest in this support.

Third, early investment in support pays off. The evaluation shows that changes to improve accessibility made a tangible difference. This suggests that programmes should prioritise capability-building alongside capital funding.

Fourth, equity requires active intervention. Without targeted support, community ownership risks reinforcing existing inequalities between places and groups. Local authorities are well placed to identify and support communities that might otherwise be excluded.

Finally, sustainability must be considered from the outset. Transferring assets to communities is not a cost-free solution; it shifts responsibility rather than removing it. Ongoing support, realistic business planning and long-term partnership will be essential to ensure success.

Taken together, the evaluation suggests that what works in community ownership is not simply funding assets, but supporting communities to own, manage and sustain them effectively.

What works in mental health and employment support? Learning from recent evaluation

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Dr Jason Lowther

Alongside the growing evidence base in areas such as homelessness, local growth and skills, there is increasing attention on how local systems respond to the intersection of mental health and employment. This is a critical issue for local authorities and their partners, given the strong relationship between work, wellbeing and wider social outcomes.

The recent evaluation of Individual Placement Support (IPS) integrated within Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT), delivered through the Mental Health Trailblazers programme, provides a valuable contribution to this evidence. The programme was designed to address two linked challenges (poor mental health and unemployment) through a combined intervention offering both therapeutic and employment support. It was delivered across three areas (Blackpool, the North East and West London) as locally commissioned “growth deal” projects aimed at improving both economic and health outcomes.

An integrated approach to mental health and work

The overarching premise of the programme is simple but important: mental health and employment are interdependent. Traditional services often treat them separately, with employment support and mental health treatment delivered through different systems. The Trailblazers programme sought to integrate these approaches by embedding employment specialists alongside psychological therapy services.

The evaluation employed a mixed‑methods design, combining an impact evaluation – using a trial‑style comparison between IAPT alone and IAPT plus IPS – with a detailed process evaluation examining implementation, service design and user experience. This dual approach reflects the complexity of the intervention: it is not only about whether outcomes improve, but about how services work together in practice.

Findings on outcomes: modest but promising

On outcomes, the evaluation presents a cautious but broadly positive picture. While the evidence on impact is not definitive, there are indications that combining IPS with psychological therapies can support improvements in both employment and mental health outcomes compared to standard provision.

This aligns with a wider evidence base for IPS, which consistently shows strong performance in helping people with mental health conditions move into and sustain work. Employment itself is recognised as beneficial for recovery and wellbeing, reinforcing the rationale for integrated approaches.

However, the evaluation also highlights the difficulty of demonstrating impact in complex, real‑world settings. Data limitations, variation in local models and challenges in maintaining experimental control all affected the strength of conclusions. This is a recurring issue across many local public service evaluations: outcomes are shaped by multiple interacting factors, making attribution difficult.

What makes the model work in practice?

The process evaluation provides rich insight into the mechanisms behind the model. Several features emerge as particularly important.

First, the relationship between service users and employment specialists is central. IPS is explicitly client‑led, focusing on individual preferences, strengths and readiness rather than predefined pathways. This personalised, relational approach appears to be a key driver of engagement.

Second, integration between services matters. Embedding employment specialists within IAPT teams helped create a more holistic offer, reducing fragmentation and enabling better coordination of support. Where integration was stronger, services were better able to respond to the complex and fluctuating needs of clients.

Third, the model benefits from being less target‑driven than traditional employment programmes. The evaluation notes that a focus on client needs, rather than rigid job outcome targets, enabled more sustained engagement – particularly for individuals with more severe or complex mental health challenges.

At the same time, implementation was not without difficulties. Referral processes, administrative requirements and clinical wait times all created friction in the system. Experiences and outcomes  were inconsistent.

The system challenge: integration is difficult

Perhaps the most important learning from the evaluation is about the difficulty of integrating services across organisational boundaries. Bringing together health and employment support requires alignment between different funding streams, professional cultures and accountability frameworks.

The evaluation highlights challenges such as eligibility criteria, information sharing and differences in service priorities. These issues are not unique to this programme; they reflect broader structural barriers within public services. Even where the case for integration is clear, delivering it in practice requires sustained effort and coordination.

There were also challenges in engaging employers and navigating local labour markets. Employment outcomes depend not only on individual readiness, but on the availability and quality of jobs. This again points to the importance of seeing mental health services within a wider economic context.

What does this mean for local authorities?

The evaluation offers several implications for local government and system partners.

First, integration across services is both necessary and challenging. The evidence supports the case for bringing together health and employment support, but also shows that this requires deliberate design, strong relationships and ongoing coordination.

Second, personalised, relationship‑based support is critical. Models like IPS work because they focus on individuals, not categories. This has implications for commissioning and performance management, which often rely on standardised models and metrics.

Third, employment should be seen as a health outcome. The evaluation reinforces the idea that good work is not just an economic goal, but a key component of wellbeing and recovery. This has implications for how local systems define success.

Fourth, local variation matters. The programme was delivered differently across areas, reflecting local labour markets, service configurations and partnerships. This flexibility is a strength, but also makes evaluation and scaling more complex.

Finally, the evaluation highlights the importance of longer‑term thinking. Supporting people with mental health conditions into work is not a short‑term intervention. Outcomes take time to emerge, and services need stability to build the relationships and capability required.

As with other areas of local government, the evidence increasingly shows what works in principle. The challenge is less about identifying effective models, and more about creating the conditions – organisational, financial and cultural – that allow them to be implemented flexibly and at scale.